While those overseas following the political trends in Japan may realize a debate is underway about Prime Minister Koizumi’s more assertive stance toward Japan’s East Asian neighbors, symbolized by his controversial visits to the Yasukuni Shrine, they may not be aware it is causing some internal friction within the ruling Liberal Democratic Party and with their coalition partners, the New Komeito Party. Three newspaper articles describe these strains and identify some of the important figures in the debate.
The first is a flawed article by J. Sean Curtin writing in the Asia Times a couple of weeks ago. It is worth reading for Curtin’s summary of the general political debate, some of the plot twists, and the people involved. He provides a service by pointing out that the debate exists. Unfortunately, however, Curtin’s wildly overblown language and his attempts to paint people into certain corners and use the tarbrush on others come off as ham-fisted.
He tries to show that LDP elders, the party’s coalition partners, the business community, and the public are all aligned against Koizumi and that by ignoring them, the prime minister will put Japan on an “extremely dangerous collision course” with China. And what would that be? Is the Chinese leadership so unbalanced that it would go to war over Yasukuni?

Curtin frames the argument as being between “neo-nationalists” on the one hand, and “moderates” on the other. He gets a bit carried away, referring to a “fierce” public debate (I’ve seen the debate, but haven’t seen any ferocity) and the “restless ghosts of Tokyo’s wartime past” (prose like this should be saved for unpublished novels). He contrasts those who “believe Japan must respect Chinese sensitivities” with those “neo-nationalists”, who seem about to break into a goose step any minute now. He goes so far as to equate support for Koizumi’s position with the belief that Hideki Tojo, one of Japan’s wartime prime ministers, is a “hero”. Seems to me that the journalist needs to put his feet up and sip on a cooling beverage.
Recently, former foreign minister Yohei Kono, a long-time supporter of closer ties with the Beijing regime (which Curtin fails to mention) rounded up eight former prime ministers to call on Koizumi to halt his Yasukuni visits. Koizumi rejected the advice, saying he already knew about their objections, and Curtin tries to take him to task for ignoring “Japan’s former helmsmen”. It is fatuous to apply this expression to such former prime ministers as Tomiichi Murayama, a socialist who sold out his beliefs and his party for a brief, tawdry term in office to allow the old guard of the LDP to crush the nascent attempts at domestic political reform, the likes of such lightweight placeholders as Toshiki Kaifu, Tsutomu Hata, and Yoshiro Mori, the hack machine pol Ryutaro Hashimoto, and Yasuhiro Nakasone, who was nicknamed the “Weathervane” during his days in office.
Curtin also reports that Yuko Tojo, the granddaughter of the former prime minister, has spoken out on the issue for the first time and given her support to the Yasukuni visits. Though admitting that Tojo has never said anything publicly about Yasukuni before (and has never been seriously involved in politics as far as I know), she is somehow transformed two paragraphs later into one of the primary LDP revisionists. Also part of this bloc is Hisahiko Okazaki, who is credited with writing a “highly influential” article in the Yomiuri Shimbun “articulating the views of the neo-nationalists”. Considering that Curtin also reports public sentiment is trending against the Yasukuni visits, one wonders just who the article influenced, but Curtin doesn’t mention that.
If we clear away the clutter and juiced journalism, it is apparent that there is a division in the LDP over these issues. The fault lines of the division are staring us right in the face, but they are not the Nipponese Alan Alda wing against the Hideki Tojo faction. To see it clearly spelled out in print, we have to go elsewhere.
In this article, Kyodo reports that 116 LDP parliamentarians set up a group supporting Koizumi’s visits to Yasukuni “in a move to counter calls by China and veteran LDP members that the premier suspend the trips.”
Initiated by LDP Acting Secretary General Shinzo Abe and other hard-liners in the party, the group consists of 116 lawmakers, constituting almost a third of the LDP’s total of 364 parliamentarians in the two chambers. The members are junior lawmakers who have been elected one to five times to the House of Representatives or for up to two terms in the House of Councillors.
There you have it. What Kyodo tells us (and Curtin didn’t) is that the fault line is age-related. Both Nakasone and Miyazawa are in their late 80s, and none of the rest of the former prime ministers could be considered young. The faction wanting to appease China comes primarily from the era in Japanese politics when the Japanese were supposed to be obsequious and mouth platitudes in foreign affairs, particularly in East Asia. The “hardliners”, as Kyodo calls them, are all relatively young, came of age politically when Japan had recovered from the wartime devastation, and now believe there is nothing wrong with Japan asserting its position in the world and nothing right about backing down whenever China or the two Koreas—nobody’s angels—complains.
The third article appeared several months ago in the Globe and Mail, but I found it copied on a Yahoo! discussion board. It profiles Shinzo Abe (photo), the leader of the group in the Kyodo article acting in support of Koizumi.
Abe, at 50 quite young to play a leading role in Japanese politics, has consistently said that Japan should take a more assertive stance internationally.
“Japan used to just repeat world peace like a Buddhist chant,” he once said. “Now we have to think about how best to pursue the national interest.”
He has not hesitated to put his ideas into action, taking a leading role in demanding that Japan call North Korea to account over the abduction issue. While this article is a serviceable portrait of a man who may become Japan’s next prime minister, the author, Geoffrey York, also has a couple of coherence problems. In one passage, he explains that Abe studied politics at the University of Southern California, yet York also tries to suggest that Abe and his supporters have a narrower view of the world than their elders. Frankly, I find it hard to believe that a man whose fluency in another language is sufficient to attend university in a country on the other side of the planet would have a narrower view of the world than some of the LDP’s great-granddads.

He also uses a quote by a university professor suggesting that Abe is “jingoistic”. There’s no question that Abe’s a man of the right, but for a professor to use this expression for publication suggests that (a) the professor was ill-served by an interpreter, (b) the professor doesn’t really know what jingoism is, or (c) he is so far to the left it has distorted his view of the political playing field.
York also claims that “as the scion of (his political) family, Mr. Abe enjoys the kind of mystique that surrounds the Kennedy family in the United States.” Come on, Geoff, Abe’s an interesting guy, but it’s silly to make up stuff about a Kennedy-like “mystique”.
Hack through the lush journalistic overgrowth of these articles, and you’ll see the outlines of some interesting trends in domestic Japanese politics. With the anniversary of the end of World War II fewer than two months away, some people are ready to pounce on the Japanese prime minister’s next visit to Yasukuni (surely a question of when and not if), and the flying fur and feathers should be quite a spectacle. Also, Koizumi is due to step down as prime minister in little more than a year, with no clear successor in sight. Japanese politics are starting to get yeasty, so there’s really no need for others to add their own ingredients to the brew.